Whatever Air Force airplane is carrying a sitting U. Similarly, whatever Marine Corps helicopter carries a president is Marine One. Air Force One famously has had one more takeoff than landing in its history. On his final trip away from Washington in , Richard Nixon departed while still president, in a plane whose call sign on takeoff was Air Force One. He had already signed his resignation papers, which went into effect while he was airborne. Rather, I was addressing two points:. Whether a president should prudently fly by helicopter during marginal weather conditions is of course a different question.
Second, I wanted to emphasize that White House plans for foreign travel always allow for the possibility of bad weather or other surprises. After all, the other foreign leaders all managed to get to the site. Part of the advance work for the trip would necessarily include thinking through how the president would reach his destinations, if the weather turned bad. The issue I have is that I, as an FAA rated instrument pilot, flying within the Army's endless rules, probably would have declined to fly VFR during this flight, and therefore would have to fly IFR which, obviously complicates air traffic, and provides higher layers of logistics and coordination to get POTUS from an instrument rated airfield certified for the President to land at to the event ceremony.
Europe also is notorious for rotational aviation units to basically be grounded during NOV - MAR which frustrates all the coordination for cross country clearances, airport logistics, etc. I have no reason to defend this White House, and my voting record will show an entirely different political inclination than those currently in charge, but just wanted to ensure that we're giving the military pilots a fair shake, especially with a risk profile that one would have to take with VIPs.
With all these variables not even including icing, I can really see why it would would be possible not to accept the risk of a VFR or even an IFR flight. I think Trump deserves every criticism and satire that has been heaped upon him — and more — for missing the ceremony. He could have gotten there somehow, if he really wanted to. Perhaps that was a factor. Thanks to the readers for these points. Then, I believe that my mother solved it.
She said -- " Donald Trump did not attend the ceremony in the rain, because his hair would have fallen apart, and he would have looked terrible. This explanation sounded ridiculous at first blush.
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But actually, when you think it through - it sounds plausible. I think this is likely the correct explanation of why he missed the event, and it has nothing to do with flying conditions. His hair and image are the most important things to him, and a horrible photo of Donald Trump in the rain does far more damage to him than missing an event, with an excuse.
I almost feel bad for the guy. I imagine that his makeup and as twitter noted on your feed, the hair would look ridiculous in the rain. The president passionately does not want to look ridiculous. And the narrative that he was too preening to stand in the rain would be unacceptable. The side by side comparisons to Obama, vigorous and impervious to rain would have been unbearable.
It's a terrible state of affairs. Not to engage in whataboutism, but I wonder if a female president would have more easily been afforded a hat? The vanity-focussed explanation is likely the best one; Trump was afraid of what would happen to his hair in the rain and the wind. For now, thanks to the readers for weighing in. Might they regret the step they were about to take? Was he being hung out to dry?
If only there were some way to head it off. Only two books into the Woodward oeuvre, Levine highlighted the source-conscious tone. His piece began:. This was an extraordinary mission. Reichsmarshal Hermann Goering and Heinrich Himmler, the Gestapo chief, settled in for the two-hour train trip to Berchtesgaden.
The two sensitive and brilliant aides were leaving behind a hot, sunny Munich. It was September 15, Ahead of them lay the mountains and lakes of western Germany and Austria. The sun poured in at a forty-seven-degree angle through the windows. For most of the travelers, the trip was an occasion for relaxation, a brief respite from the war. Yet these two public servants were not in a holiday mood. Goering and Himmler had heard rumors that the Fuhrer was anti-Semitic.
It was all hearsay, innuendo, but still, the two men were troubled.
Another clue is that these figures come off so much better in the books. Thus, as both Chotiner and Prokop point out, the figures who show up in Fear as struggling hardest to save the country from Trump rank high on the probably-talked-with-Woodward list. But over millions of words, and thousands of quotes and anecdotes, in some books, the vast majority of what Woodward has reported has either stood unchallenged, or been acknowledged long after the fact as having been correct.
But Bob Woodward occupies at least a distant-cousin version of that information-world niche.
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Historians still argue over whether it really made any difference in mainstream support for the Vietnam War, when Walter Cronkite announced on his broadcast , after a trip to Vietnam in , that he considered it a lost cause. But it is increasingly clear to this reporter that the only rational way out then will be to negotiate, not as victors, but as an honorable people who lived up to their pledge to defend democracy, and did the best they could.
The purpose of my installment Trump Time Capsule series during the campaign was to record, in real time, things Donald Trump said or did that were wholly outside the range for previous serious contenders for the White House. But his Twitter outburst this morning — as he has left Washington on another trip to one of his golf courses, as millions of U.
It is a significant step downward for him, and perhaps the first thing he has done in office that, in its coarseness, has actually surprised me. I explained the difference, for me, between shock and surprise when it comes to Trump, in this item last week. Temperamentally, intellectually, and in terms of civic and moral imagination, he is not fit for the duties he is now supposed to bear. His first tweet, at the top of this item, dramatized his inability to conceive of any event, glorious or tragic, in terms other than what it means about him.
People are dying in Puerto Rico; they have lost their homes and farms; children and the elderly are in danger. This is an outright attack on the mayor of San Juan, Carmen Yulin Cruz, whose passionate appeals for her citizens would evoke compassion and support from any normal person — and from other politicians would stimulate at least a public stance of sympathy.
I can think of no other example of a president publicly demeaning American officials in the middle of coping with disaster. Either way, it is something that no other modern president would have said in public, and that no one who understood the duties of the office could have done. A man who can say these things—from a golf course, while millions of his fellow citizens are in dire straits, and during an emergency that is worse because of his own narcissistic inattention —does not understand the job.
This has not happened before. It is not normal. It should not be acceptable. The United States is a big, resilient country, but a man like this can do severe damage to it and the world — and at the moment, he is leaving many Americans in mortal peril. Their responsibility for the carnage of this era increases by the day, and has grown by quite a lot this weekend. As it happens, I wrote and published that preceding paragraph a week ago.
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The relationship between the drama of a presidential campaign, and the literature and reportage that come from it, is shaky at best. Bush-Michael Dukakis campaign of The book took Cramer nearly four years to write. Cramer chose what also turned out to be the inspired strategy of giving full time not just to the two finalists but also to four of the also-rans who fell back along the way: Gary Hart, Bob Dole, Dick Gephardt, and the young Joe Biden. The title refers to the humble origins of nearly all campaigns i. The Nixon-McGovern campaign was an all-fronts nightmare for the country, but from it came the lasting press chronicle The Boys on the Bus , by my college friend Timothy Crouse.
White pioneered the idea that minutiae about what candidates ate, did, or said off-stage could be of great interest. Through overuse by other authors, and because the tick-tock is now a staple of regular campaign coverage, the approach long ago became a cliche. For instance, two books that each spent time as leading national best-seller:. Unbelievable , by Katy Tur. In fact, this is also a quite revealing and powerful book, in addition to being very entertaining.bbmpay.veritrans.co.id/conocer-mujeres-solteras-vielha.php
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Two themes are worth noting. In a famous episode, he gave her a backstage kiss before he went onto a TV show. She also talks about it, and the overall tone of menace, both from the candidate and from his supporters, in a Fresh Air interview with Terry Gross. His face is tight. He spits out answers. He glares at me during the questions. He never smiles.
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Now I see [watching a replay of the interview] what my producer saw. Trump is angry….
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